He permitted and encouraged rumors that as Panama's chief of intelligence, he was in possession of negative information about everybody in the country. These cases had not reached a conclusion at the time of his death in 2017. On Dec. 20, 1989, the United States military invaded Panama, code-named Operation Just Cause, in an effort to oust Panamanian narco-dictator Manuel Noriega from power. [11] During his time in the socialist youth group, Noriega took part in protests and authored articles criticizing the U.S. presence in Panama. He was 83. He was perceived as a trusted collaborator in the war against drugs, even as the DEA was investigating him for involvement in smuggling. Noriega was one of the Central Intelligence Agency's most valued intelligence sources, as well as one of the primary conduits for illicit weapons, military equipment, and cash destined for U.S.-backed forces throughout Latin America. [22], Noriega's job required him to penetrate and disrupt the trade unions that had formed in the United Fruit Company's workforce, and he proved adept at this work. He was 83. [129] Casualties among the Panamanian forces were much higher; between 300 and 845. He was sentenced to 40 years in federal prison, but after extradition to and incarceration in Panama, died in a Panama City hospital on May 29, 2017. [147], In pre-trial proceedings, the government stipulated that Noriega had received $322,000 from the U.S. Army and the CIA. [21][24], Arias was elected president in 1968 following a populist campaign. [116], Rather than publish the results, Noriega voided the election, claiming that "foreign interference" had tainted the results. During his rule, he established himself as a drug lord in partnership with the Medellin Cartel in Colombia. Noriega was repeatedly unfaithful to his wife, who at one point expressed a desire for a divorce, though she changed her mind later. [75] He also ordered a crackdown on money laundering by Colombian cartel figures Jorge Ochoa and Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela. [35] Dinges wrote that beginning in 1972 the U.S. relaxed its efforts at trapping individuals involved with smuggling within the Panama government, possibly as a result of an agreement between Torrijos and U.S. President Richard Nixon. First Lieutenant Robert Paz of the United States Marine Corps was shot and killed in the incident. [162][163], In August 2007, a U.S. federal judge approved the French government's request to extradite Noriega to France after his release. At the time, Arnulfo Arias, a native of that province, was preparing to contest the 1968 Panamanian Presidential election. [5], Noriega was educated first at the Escuela República de México, and later at the Instituto Nacional, a well-regarded high school in Panama City that had produced a number of nationalist political leaders. [39] According to some reports, the M-19 also asked Noriega to mediate their negotiations with Colombian drug cartels in February 1982. [26][83], There are varying reports about how much Noriega was paid by United States sources. John McCain Says Suppressing Media Is Now Dictators Get Started. Manuel Noriega’s cause of death was a result of post-surgery cerebral bleeding. troops. Coalición para la Liberación Nacional (Coalition for National Liberation), a pro-military coalition led by the PRD, named Carlos Duque, a former business partner of Noriega, as its candidate. Noriega appealed his extradition because he claimed France would not honor his legal status as a prisoner of war. [194], British actor Bob Hoskins portrayed Manuel Noriega in the biographical 2000 American television movie Noriega: God's Favorite. In October 1993 Noriega and two others were convicted of the murder of Spadafora by the court of the Third Judicial District, and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno (Spanish pronunciation: [maˈnwel noˈɾjeɣa]; February 11, 1934 – May 29, 2017)[a] was a Panamanian politician and military officer who was the de facto ruler of Panama from 1983 to 1989. After this, he was transferred back to Panama and jailed for crimes committed during the time he was in power. The school was located at the United States Army's Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone. [127][130], On December 29, the United Nations General Assembly voted, 75–20 with 40 abstentions, to condemn the invasion as a "flagrant violation of international law". [25] In response, Torrijos and a few other officers led a coup against him, ousting him after an eleven-day presidency. [74] Beginning in 1984 Noriega appeared to reduce the scale of his operations, and even ordered a raid against a cocaine factory in the interior of Panama, a raid which he then emphasized as evidence of his cooperation with the U.S. in their fight against drugs. [155][156][157] While Noriega was in prison, he was visited regularly over two years by two evangelical Christian ministers, Clift Brannon and Rudy Hernandez. By the time of his removal he had come to be hated in the U.S., and the invasion was portrayed as an attempt to remove an evil man. Noriega offered to assassinate or sabotage Sandinista leaders in return for North helping Noriega improve his image with the U.S. [135], Noriega received several warnings about the invasion from individuals within his government; though he initially disbelieved them, they grew more frequent as the invasion drew near, eventually convincing Noriega to go on the run. [136] Noriega used a number of subterfuges, including lookalikes and playbacks of his recorded voice, to confuse U.S. surveillance as to his whereabouts. [127], The invasion began with a bombing campaign that targeted Noriega's private vehicles, and the PDF headquarters located in Panama City. Read: Is Donald Trump A Dictator? Announcing Noriega's death at age 83 Tuesday, Panama's president said it "closes a chapter in our history." Manuel Noriega, in full Manuel Antonio Noriega Morena, (born February 11, 1938, Panama City, Panama—died May 29, 2017, Panama City), Panamanian military leader, commander of the Panamanian Defense Forces (1983–89), who, for the years of his command, … "[99] Spadafora's murder badly damaged Noriega's image, both within and outside Panama, and was among the reasons for the U.S. beginning to view Noriega as a liability rather than an asset, despite his ongoing support for U.S. interventions elsewhere. The U.S. also regarded Noriega as an ally in its War on Drugs, despite Noriega himself having amassed a personal fortune through drug trafficking operations. [26] The move was the largest military action by the U.S. since the Vietnam War, and included more than 27,000 soldiers,[1] as well as 300 aircraft. [138] The last two days of his flight were spent partly with his ally Jorge Krupnick, an arms dealer also wanted by the U.S.[139] Kempe reported that Noriega considered seeking sanctuary in the Cuban or Nicaraguan embassies, but both buildings were surrounded by U.S. [1][178] Noriega died on May 29, 2017, at the age of 83. Noriega, who studied at a military academy in Peru, supported Gen. Omar Torrijos in a coup that ousted President Arnulfo Arias in 1968. [18] Despite performing poorly in his classes, he received a promotion to first lieutenant in 1966, and Torrijos found him a job as an intelligence officer in the "North Zone" of the National Guard. [1] He was described as a deeply superstitious man, who placed trust in a number of talismans which he carried with him. He was described as an "oddly serious child," a bookish student always neatly dressed by his godmother. [125] An American couple who witnessed the incident was also arrested and harassed by the PDF. [168] On July 7, 2010, Noriega was convicted by the 11th chamber of the Tribunal Correctionnel de Paris and sentenced to seven years in jail. [117][118] Noriega had initially planned to declare Duque the winner regardless of the actual result. Noriega, nominally a Roman Catholic, was reported to have undergone a conversion to evangelical Christianity in May 1990, and was baptized in October 1992, while still in prison. [1][193] He lived a lavish lifestyle during his time as the de facto ruler of Panama, and it was described in an obituary as a "libertine life off drug-trade riches, complete with luxurious mansions, cocaine-fueled parties and voluminous collections of antique guns". McGrath. [64] Independent estimates suggested that Arias would have won by as many as 50,000 votes had the election been conducted fairly. Noriega was known for his complicated relationship with the U.S., being described as being its ally and nemesis at the same time. [22][26] Hersh wrote in 1986 that U.S. intelligence officials suspected that Noriega was selling intelligence to the Cuban government of Fidel Castro;[39] his report received widespread attention. [39] On June 12, 1986, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh published an article in The New York Times describing Noriega's involvement in drug smuggling and money laundering. [17], As a second lieutenant in 1966, Noriega spent many months taking courses at the School of the Americas. [91] Spadafora amassed evidence of corruption within the government by using his position as an ally of Torrijos to question Noriega's allies, including Rodriquez and Carlton. His mother, whose family name was Moreno, died of tuberculosis when he was still a child, and Noriega was brought up by a godmother[1][2][3] in a one-room apartment in the slum area of Terraplén. [118], In March 1988, the U.S. government entered into negotiations with Noriega seeking his resignation. There was no immediate information on the cause of death, which occurred late Monday. From the 1950s until shortly before the U.S. invasion, Noriega worked with U.S. intelligence agencies. Official tallies the day after that, however, had Duque winning by a 2–1 margin. He allowed the CIA to establish listening posts in Panama,[37] and also helped the U.S.-backed Salvadoran government against the leftist Salvadoran insurgent Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front. [72] American Steven Kalish also began a large scale business selling drugs, laundering money and selling hardware to the Panamanian military for considerable profits with Noriega's assistance. [46], After the Nicaraguan Revolution was launched by the Sandinistas against U.S.-backed authoritarian ruler Anastasio Somoza Debayle in August 1978, Torrijos and Noriega initially supported the rebels, providing them with surplus National Guard equipment and allowing Panama to be used as a cover for arms shipments from Cuba to Nicaragua. He became an officer in the Panamanian army, and rose through the ranks in alliance with Omar Torrijos. Some members of the Panamanian military had unsuccessful coups and their leaders were consequently executed by Noriega's firing squad. Arias was a member of the National Revolutionary Party that represented the Panameñista movement. [109] Multiple U.S. agencies continued to investigate Noriega despite opposition from the Reagan administration. In early 1990, Noriega biographer Frederick Kempe reported that the United States gave Noriega or his intelligence services annual payments in the range of $110,000 in 1976 increasing to $185,000 to $200,000 when he came to power during the Reagan administration 1983. [22] These treaties, as well as a new labor code that included maternity leave, collective bargaining rights, and bonus pay, made Torrijos popular in Panama despite the absence of democratic elections. Noriega responded "And what does one do with a dog that has rabies? Within U.S. government circles contradictory images abounded; Noriega was seen as a CIA spy, a drug trafficker, a nationalist supporting Torrijos, an ally of Cuba, and an ally of Oliver North and the Contras. [14] He was described as doing much of Torrijos's "dirty work". In 1987, however, Noriega went back on this agreement, announced he would be heading the military for the next five years, and assigned Díaz Herrera to a diplomatic post. Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s Noriega was able to manipulate U.S. policy toward his country, while skillfully accumulating near-absolute power in Panama,” the subcommittee concluded at the time. The U.S. turned its back on Noriega especially after his top political opponent was killed in 1985 and he joined hands with drug traffickers. [36], During the early 1970s, Noriega's relationship with the U.S. intelligence services was regularized. A coup was launched in his absence, in which Noriega's loyalty allowed Torrijos to hang on to power, greatly enhancing Torrijos's image. [56] However, Paredes never received the political support he expected, and after assuming his new position Noriega reneged on the deal, telling Paredes he could not contest the election. He was 83. [21] He also took a course in psychological operations at Fort Bragg in North Carolina. Noriega’s Panamanian Defense Forces (PDF) were promptly crushed, forcing the dictator to seek asylum with… [189], Noriega used the moniker "El Man" to refer to himself, but he was also derogatorily known as cara de piña, or "pineapple face" in Spanish, as a result of pockmarked features left by an illness in his youth. He was placed in a medically induced coma after suffering severe brain hemorrhaging during the surgery, his attorney told CNN affiliate TV Panama … Soon after taking office he launched a purge of the National Guard, sending much of its general staff into "diplomatic exile" or retirement. Images of Ford running to safety with his guayabera shirt covered in blood were broadcast around the world. [150] After the trial, Noriega appealed this exclusionary ruling by the judge to the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals. [120], The French government had requested Noriega's extradition after he was convicted of money laundering in 1999. [23] Noriega and Torrijos later used their knowledge of the U.S. wiretapping operations to tilt the Panama Canal negotiations in their favor. Attempts to dislodge Noriega from within included gunning vehicle engines, turning a nearby field into a landing pad for helicopters, and playing rock music at loud volumes. [87][88] In January 1991, federal prosecutors filed a financial report indicating that that Noriega had received a total of $322,000 from the United States Army and the CIA over a 31-year period from 1955 to 1986. Some of the biggest banks in the country were used to launder drug money under Noriega’s power. It has been variously recorded as 1934, 1936, and 1938. [25] Noriega was an important supporter of Torrijos during this conflict. [73] Dinges writes that at the time of the 1984 election, Kalish was preparing to ship a load of marijuana worth U.S. $1.4 million through Panama, for which Noriega had agreed to provide false Panamanian customs stamps to help it avoid scrutiny in the U.S.; Noriega was to be paid $1 million for this exercise. [113], The presidential election of May 1989 was marred by fraud and violence. The former US government asset on the CIA’s payroll was wanted on several drug-trafficking charges and suspected of rigging the 1989 Panamanian presidential election. Noriega charged Díaz Herrera with treason, and cracked down hard on the protesters. The source was not authorised to be quoted by name. [25], At the end of 1969 Torrijos went to Mexico on holiday. [98] Noriega was widely believed to be responsible for the murder, and according to Koster and Sánchez, the U.S. had intelligence implicating Noriega. Via History.com The United States invades Panama in an attempt to overthrow military dictator Manuel Noriega, who had been indicted in the United States on drug trafficking charges and was accused of suppressing democracy in Panama and endangering U.S. nationals. On Se… Reports have suggested that he continued to pass intelligence to the U.S. during this period, about the plantation workers' activities. [126], The U.S. launched its invasion of Panama on December 20, 1989. [110] In 1988 Noriega was indicted by U.S. federal grand juries in courts in Miami and Tampa on charges of drug-trafficking. This status meant that he had his own prison cell, furnished with electronics and exercise equipment. He was 83. [31][32] For instance, Noriega ordered the death of Jesús Héctor Gallego Herrera, a priest whose work at an agricultural cooperative was seen as a threat by the government. The government also harassed, intimidated, or exiled individual journalists and editors. [79] A 1990 book discussing Noriega's administration stated that he had sold thousands of Panamanian passports to the Cuban government for use by its intelligence services. Panama was represented at these negotiations by Rómulo Escobar Bethancourt. [141], Prevented by treaty from invading the Holy See's embassy, U.S. soldiers from Delta Force erected a perimeter around the Nunciature. The law also tripled the size of the military forces, and gave the National Guard control over immigration, customs, commercial transportation, railroads, and airports. In 1992, Noriega was found guilty on eight counts of drug trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering, marking the first time in history that a U.S. jury convicted a foreign leader of criminal charges. [189] Dinges writes that these contradictory images played a large role in shaping the U.S. government's self-contradictory policy towards Noriega. [45] Noriega's drug-related activities came to the U.S. government's attention once again during the ratification process for the Panama Canal treaties, but were once again downplayed by the U.S. intelligence services in order to get the treaty ratified by the U.S. According to Dinges, by this point had left his undisciplined past behind him. Bob Woodward published a story about Noriega in The Washington Post soon afterward, going into even greater detail about Noriega's intelligence connections. [28] Historian Javier Galván writes that Torrijos's relationship with Noriega was symbiotic; Torrijos provided the political acumen, while Noriega enforced his unpopular decisions with force, when necessary. [33], Dinges wrote that in the early 1970s the U.S. Justice Department had enough evidence to bring an indictment of Noriega in a U.S. court, but chose not to do so because of the potential diplomatic consequences. [161] Noriega's lawyers claimed the La Santé Prison, at which he was held, was unfit for a man of his age and rank; the French government refused to grant him prisoner of war status, which he had had in the United States. [1] The Supreme Court of the United States refused to hear his appeal in January 2010, and in March declined a petition for a rehearing. [26] U.S. spy ships used bases in Panama in their operations against the Nicaraguan government, and much of the intelligence gathered by these ships was processed in the U.S. bases in Panama. [63] When the initial results showed Arias, who had the support of much of the opposition, on his way to a landslide victory, Noriega halted the count. What Led Roger Hochschild To 'Discover' His Simple And Sincere Approach To Diversity? [104] Furthermore, Noriega had made a deal with his deputy, to the effect that he would step down as military leader in 1987 and allow Díaz Herrera to succeed him. [47] Torrijos sought for himself the same aura of "democratic respectability" that the Sandinista rebels had in Nicaragua, and so abandoned the title of "Maximum Leader" he had taken in 1972, promising that elections would be held in 1984. [167], Noriega was extradited to France on April 26, 2010. Posted to Colón, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in September 1962. [18] In 1967 the administration of U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson concluded that Noriega would be a valuable asset, as he was a "rising star" in the Panamanian military. Later that month Noriega's attorney stated that he would travel to France and try to arrange a deal with the French government. He was also reported to be a medium for U.S. funds to Nicaraguan rebels of the leftist Sandinista government. Though this was part of a contingency plan for the invasion, del Cid quickly decided that the Panamanian military was not in a position to fight a guerrilla war against the U.S., and negotiated a surrender. When the 1984–1989 presidential term expired, Noriega named a longtime associate, Francisco Rodríguez, acting president. Although the killing of the marine was the ostensible reason for the invasion, the operation had been planned for months before his death. "The death of Manuel A Noriega closes a chapter in our history; his daughters and relatives deserve a funeral in peace," Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela tweeted in Spanish. [58][59] Noriega compelled the Panamanian National Assembly to pass Law 20 of 1983, which was supposedly aimed at protecting the Panama Canal from communists, and allowed a huge influx of U.S. weapons to the Panamanian military. [173] On September 23, 2011, a French court ordered a conditional release for Noriega to be extradited to Panama on October 1, 2011. The U.S. recognized Endara as the new president. Noriega began studying in Lima in 1958. Born Feb. 11, 1934, in Panama City, Noriega ruled the Central American nation from 1983 to 1989 and worked closely with the CIA for three decades. [26] In February 1969, Torrijos's men seized Martínez and exiled him to Miami giving Torrijos control of the country. Noriega recently underwent an operation after suffering a … [158][159] Noriega's prison sentence was reduced from 30 years to 17 years for good behavior: his sentence thus ended on September 9, 2007. [9] This image contrasted sharply with the impact of a mug shot which was taken of him after his capture, and became a symbol of his fall from power. [1] Though the U.S. considered not recognizing Delvalle as president, the state department decided against it, as it would have amounted to breaking relations with Noriega. Discover the real story, facts, and details of Manuel Noriega. [52] During this period Noriega became a full colonel and the National Guard's chief of staff, effectively the second-highest rank in the country. Noriega was proud of his relationship with the school, and wore its crest on his military uniform for the rest of his career. [39], Many of the operations Noriega benefited from were run by associates such as Floyd Carlton and Cesar Rodríguez. [134] Human Rights Watch described the reaction of the civilian population to the invasion as "generally sympathetic". Dinges wrote that Noriega frequently received large payments, sometimes as high as $100,000 per shipment, in return for the smugglers receiving immunity from prosecution. Torrijos became a patron and mentor to Noriega. [9][10][11] Luis Noriega would later direct Panama's electoral tribunal. [9][14], Noriega married Felicidad Sieiro in the late 1960s, and the couple had three daughters: Lorena; Sandra; and Thays. … Like other Latin American authoritarian leaders, he was initially supported by the U.S., but then fell out of favor because of his drug smuggling and money laundering activities. [117][118] Noriega's decision to void the election results led to another coup attempt against him in October 1989. [1][15] Sieiro had been a school teacher, and Noriega a member of the National Guard. "The saga of Panama's General Manuel Antonio Noriega represents one of the most serious foreign policy failures in the U.S. [116] As an exit poll made it clear that the opposition slate was winning by a wide margin, reports of missing tally sheets and seizures of ballot boxes by the PDF soon emerged. Noriega and Díaz Herrera picked Nicolás Ardito Barletta Vallarino to be the PRD's candidate, with the intention of keeping him under close control. [1] On August 12, 1983, in keeping with Noriega's earlier deal with Paredes, Paredes handed over his position to Noriega, newly appointed a general, with the understanding that Noriega would allow him to stand for president. However, upon knowing his political rival has higher chances of coming to power, Noriega influenced the election to make sure the candidate he favored was elected. [108] Spadafora had also informed the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) of some of his findings about Noriega's involvement in drug smuggling. The cause of death was not announced but Noriega had been in intensive care at a hospital for months after complications from surgery to remove a benign brain tumor. In recent years, he reportedly suffered from a range of health problems including blood pressure, bronchitis, prostate cancer, and strokes. [36] Noriega was given access to CIA contingency funds, which he was supposed to use to improve his intelligence programs, but which he could spend with little accountability. [18][20] Torrijos passed this task on to Noriega, whose men arrested a number of people. [66] Noriega's rule became increasingly repressive,[26] even as the U.S. government of Ronald Reagan began relying on him in its covert efforts to undermine Nicaragua's Sandinista government. General Manuel Antonio Noriega, former military leader of Panama, has died, Panama's president said on Twitter. The drug trafficking charges threatened Noriega's support among his own constituency of middle class individuals who had benefited under his and Torrijos's government. [101][102] Barletta was highly regarded in the Reagan administration, and his removal brought a downturn in the relations between the U.S. and Noriega. Noriega was released from prison in January 2017 to undergo brain surgery, but his daughter said on March 7 that he … While there is still no official known cause of death, Noriega has been in intensive care due to a brain hemorrhage following a May 7th surgery to remove a benign tumor. Though his U.S. intelligence handlers were aware of this, no action was taken because of his usefulness to the U.S. Mr. Noriega died around 11 p.m. at Santo Tomás Hospital, an employee there confirmed. [84][85] Around that same time, John Dinges, another biographer of Noriega, said there were indications that various US sources paid Noriega for his assistance on a variety of projects, but he could find no one willing to confirm persistent reports that he received a $200,000 per year stipend from the CIA. The year of Noriega's birth is generally given as 1934, but is a matter of uncertainty. After Noriega was imprisoned in France, Panama asked the French government to extradite Noriega so he could face trial for human rights violations in Panama. [1] His bravado during public speeches was remarked upon by commentators; for instance, after his indictment in the U.S., he made a public speech while brandishing a machete, and declaimed "Not one step back! Panama's Supreme Court confirmed the sentence on December 20, 1995. In a 1962 incident Torrijos helped Noriega avoid legal trouble after a prostitute accused Noriega of beating and raping her. Manuel Antonio Noriega was born the son of an accountant and his maid in a poor section of Panama City, Panama, in 1934. [49] After Somoza's overthrow, Noriega continued to smuggle weapons, selling them to leftist guerrillas fighting the U.S.-backed authoritarian government in El Salvador. [165][166] Two days after the refusal, the District Court for the Southern District of Florida in Miami lifted the stay that was blocking Noriega's extradition. [22][100], Barletta, who was in New York City when Spadafora was murdered in September 1985, announced his intention to appoint an independent commission to investigate the murder. Her family, of Basque heritage, was reported to have been unhappy with the marriage. Despite Noriega's problems, Torrijos maintained their relationship, ensuring they were always in the same command; he also brought Díaz Herrera into the same unit. After their return, the family was criticized for visiting a leader the U.S. was in conflict with. [112] Also in 1988, Noriega was visited by Sarah York, a school girl from Negaunee, Michigan who had written Noriega a letter, and had later been invited by him to visit Panama with her family. Journalist John Dinges has suggested that Torrijos sent Noriega to the school to help him "shape up" and live up to Torrijos's expectations. [69] No formal criminal investigations were begun, however, with news reports attributing the lack of action to factors including U.S. interest in concluding the Panama Canal treaty, the value of intelligence from Panama, and Panama's support for U.S. foreign policy. Manuel Noriega’s cause of death was a result of post-surgery cerebral bleeding. [39], Hugo Spadafora was a physician and political activist who had first clashed with Noriega when they were both members of Torrijos's government. [76] Noriega's new image as an opponent of drug trafficking was symbolized by his being invited as a speaker in 1985 to Harvard University, for a conference on the role of the military in Central America's wars, a speech which received a lot of attention in Panama's pro-government press. [78] On one occasion, the PDF supplied weapons to a small band of M-19 fighters who flew to Panama from Cuba, before launching an attack on Colombia's west coast. [174][175] Noriega was extradited to Panama on December 11, 2011, and incarcerated at El Renacer prison to serve the sentences, totalling 60 years, that he had accumulated in absentia for crimes committed during his rule. The court ruled in the government's favor, saying that the "potential probative value of this material [...] was relatively marginal". 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